Building Peace After Armed Conflict in Bosnia

Building Peace After Armed Conflict in Bosnia Provide a critical assessment of international efforts to build peace after armed conflict in Bosnia The Bosnian War broke out in March 1992, and persisted virulently along ethnic lines until the signature of the General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina on December 14, 1995. Also known as the Dayton Accords, the peace treaty was arguably the international community’s [1] most substantial contribution to ending the armed conflict. Many observers and Bosnians assess the immediate goals of the Dayton Accords as successful: Bosnians are no longer at war, and NATO forces enforced peace with few casualties. [2] Yet, while the Dayton Accords ended the war, the structural framework that it set up perpetuates the confrontation that drove the conflict. Thus, durable peace remains elusive. This paper critically assesses the international community’s strategy to build peace in post-armed conflict Bosnia by analysing three main variables: policy, political economy, and security and rule-of-law. This paper can do justice in a brief analysis to the complex dyna mics and issues of post-war Bosnia. Nonetheless, it demonstrates that the need for cooperative, local peacebuilding ownership is dire, and Bosnia requires systemic reform to enable it. Bosnia and the international actors have made great strides in forming positive peace. To date, however, the international coalition has lacked the political will and foresight to address the conflict’s underlying issues, creating a status quo that is unsustainable in the long term. The Dayton Accords structured Bosnia as one state with two autonomous components: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and the Republika Srpska (RS). [3] The Accords institutionalised dysfunction within the political system, creating a state with uncertain capacity and legitimacy that relies on international actors and institutions. [4] Bosnia’s problems during war consisted of massacre, rape, and ethnic cleansing; today, Bosnia must deal with lawlessness, corruption, and economic stagnation. Overcoming the latter issues is critical to social, political, and economic growth. Since the end of armed conflict in December 1995, the international coalition has been attempting to transform power in war-torn Bosnia to realize a prosperous future. An effective transformation simultaneously addresses political, political-economic, and security dynamics. [5] The international community approaches these variables disparately and therefore counterproductively, detrimentally affe cting social, political, and economic development. Transforming political power and promoting self-governance A political transformation entails channelling the competition for power through non-violent outlets, most simply manifested through free and fair elections and legitimate governance. [6] Competition in Bosnia is now focused non-violently through its political system, though this accomplishment is only a half-success. The Dayton Accords implemented a highly fractured political system that has led to a fragmented state; ethnic rivalries—relatively quiescent under Josip Tito’s Yugoslavian regime, but enflamed through the conflicts following its dissolution—are entrenched in every political decision. [7] Bosnia’s decentralised power sharing prevents violence, but it does not promote peace; it instigates political gridlock. While the decentralisation may have been necessary to frame a successful peace agreement, the systemic dysfunction was not a necessary outcome of the armed conflict. Rather, it is (at least in part) a result of rushed elections after Dayton , propped up by an inefficient electoral system. [8] This is in addition to a failure to support the creation of alternative political and social projects in civil society, which exists isolated from Bosnia’s socio-political context. [9] The international coalition hoped that the Dayton Accords would lead to a political and social system that would help Bosnians develop a shared Bosnian identity. [10] The Accord had the opposite effect. In order to secure Bosnian-Serb support during peace talks, the negotiators agreed to establish a weak central government that would lack authority over ethnically based entities. Bosnia separated into two autonomous regions with 13 overlapping constitutions, officially dividing Bosnians into three separate ethnic groups. [11] After concluding negotiations, the international community rushed elections with a counter-productive electoral system. Rather than encourage compromise across divisions, the system reinforced ethnocentrism and the power of obstinate, nationalistic leaders. [12] Voters consistently cast ballots along ethnic lines, and the cumbersome political system masks corruption and incompetence once the leaders are in office. [13] The nationalists that entered office follow ing the Dayton Accords delayed institutional development that may have worked to unify the highly fractured society, out of fear of giving one party too much power. [14]This has become a pattern, with the main nationalist parties from Bosniak, Serb, and Croat factions maintaining control of the country’s three-seat presidency after elections in October 2014. [15] In the current system, no party has incentive to cooperate with another, and its decentralized nature allows one party to paralyze the frequently protracted negotiations that precede nearly every decision. [16] Political inaction has compelled the High Representative, with the power to force legislation and dismiss elected officials, to intervene multiple times. Meanwhile, doing so stymies democratic development toward a self-governing state independent of any international administrator. [17] The constitutional structure requires reform, though change proves to be difficult. To its credit, the international community has recognized this. However, diverse packages of carrots and sticks to incentivize economic and political progressincluding prospective European Union membership and sanctions, respectively proved ineffective. Even using these potent weapons, it has not been possible to force amendments to the constitution, says Matthew Parish, a former legal advisor to the international supervisor of Bosnias Brcko Districtks. [18] Nonetheless, the European Union and NATO continue to dangle membership prospects in front of the Bosnian government in hopes of encouraging reform. Any reform to improve the political system would likely strengthen the central government, thereby weakening the RS. This is the impasse between BiH and the RS. The RS frequently threatens secession in response to centralisation efforts. [19] There is no guarantee that movement toward EU or NATO member ship would end the zero-sum relationship between the RS and BiH. Instead, a strong civil society may be a viable method to resolve tensions between the two entities. The OSCE [20]has defined civil society in Bosnia as ‘the sum of public wills that act independently of the state without obstructing the state in carrying out its responsibilities’. [21]It is a space where civilian collectivization, through a diverse set of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), counterbalances the state’s power and prevents it from dominating society. [22] Ideally, a strong and functioning civil society would generate tolerance, modernisation and social participation, emphasising local participation in peacebuilding. [23] Given this potential, the international community has exerted significant effort to cultivate a strong civil society. Despite its attempts, however, the international community’s extensive influence in the country undermines its efforts. International efforts to bolster civil society growth are more often associated with the quantity of NGOs rather than their quality, and Bosnian citizens see civil society building programs as discounting local history and social dynamics. [24] Further undercutting its significance, political officials are arguably more accountable to the international community than to their voters. The High Representative ultimately determines the course of Bosnia’s politics. ‘Thus, the expectation that local organizations will hold political leaders accountable is a fundamental illusion,’ and civil society will remain weak and insecure. [25] Bosnian politics—opaque, unaccountable, and corrupt—are consequentially unaccountable to civilians. [26] The constitutional structure, while preventing violence, maintains ethnic tensions and causes citizens to pragmatically adhere to ethnic politics in response to their perceived insecurity and lack of political participation . [27] A strong civil society is not an antidote for Bosnian politics’ ills, though it is vital for long-term democratic growth. [28] Presently, citizens’ insecurity and its isolation from the state provide it with little space to promote reconciliation and contribute to peace. Establishing security and the rule of law While it may not necessarily be causal, one of the most accurate predictors of whether or not a state will descend into civil war is whether it has already experienced one. [29] A vital factor to prevent resurgent conflict is to establish a secure environment which precludes militant factions from pursuing goals through violence. [30] It is equally important to secure this environment with an institutional capacity to maintain the rule of law and to exact justice. [31] The international community in Bosnia has prevented conflict relapse, though it has done so by institutionalising the conflict, maintaining tensions. Simply put, the international community has created an environment in which it is costlier to fight a war than it is to compete for power through politics. [32] While resurging war may not be a likely possibility, Bosnia is mired in corruption, organized crime, ethnic tension, and violence that prevents political, social, and economic development—maintaining a stat us quo between armed conflict and durable peace. This is partially a result of internationally mandated post-conflict amnesty laws, prolonged war-criminal prosecutions, and a failure to transform the wartime economy into a legitimate formal economy. The international community demanded the establishment of the Federal Amnesty Law to prevent political prosecution of returning refugees, draft dodgers, and soldiers ‘charged with a crime, other than serious violation of international humanitarian law.’ [33] The international community intended to provide Bosnian citizens security whilst they rebuild their lives following the conflict. A number of Bosnian politicians and elites took advantage of the amnesty laws to include crimes like illegal commerce, tax evasion, and illegal use of humanitarian aid, and they expanded the time the amnesty covered to include January 1991. [34] These pardoned offenses may have provided relief to a number of soldiers that had committed regular wartime acts in line with the terms of the Amnesty Law. However, the expanded time-period also provided cover for corrupt officials’ crimes more than a year prior to the war. Amnesty laws forced prosecutors to drop pending investigations and i ndictments for politicians in the main nationalist parties, allowing them to continue to compete for power after the war. International actors sought prosecution for the alleged criminals that the Amnesty Law did not excuse. Chief among these prosecutions was that of the leaders of the warring factions for committing crimes against humanity, including genocide. As the international community saw was necessary following the Second World War, the Rwandan Genocide, and East Timor, justice is often requisite to attain durable peace. [35] The international community lacked the political will after the Dayton Accords to pursue war criminals for arrest, despite indicting them for their acts. The United States, for one, NATO’s member with the greatest capacity for force, refused to risk another Somalia-like war criminal hunt. The international tribunal had to rely on its member states to extradite the alleged criminals. This proved ineffective until the early 2000s: the international community was unwilling to take meaningful action to hasten or force extradition, and the states where war criminals resid ed were either unwilling or incapable of pursuing them. [36] Nearly twenty years after the war’s end, Ratko MladiĆ¡, Radovan KaradÃ…Â ¾iĆ¡, Goran HadÃ…Â ¾iĆ¡, and Vojislav Ã…  eÃ… ¡eljfour of the conflict’s most notorious war criminalsremain on trial. While 141 proceedings of the 161 indicted criminals have concluded, many critics state that the international tribunal has taken far too long to bring the accused to trial, and that those who have been found guilty have received lenient sentences. [37] This perceived lack of justice prevents closure, and perpetuates the doctrine of collective guilt over individual responsibility for atrocities. As a 2013 UN poll demonstrated, Bosnians must reconcile their past before they embrace their future. [38] The international community’s role in this has so far been mixed: the atmosphere of impunity is now over, though the results have been demonstrably underwhelming. [39] Bosnia’s unreformed political economy The World Bank estimates that Bosnia’s shadow economy composes X percent of its GDP. [40] The formal, legitimate economy remains highly dependent on external support, and founders in comparison to the underground market. The Dayton Accords catalysed an internationally led privatisation effort that led to rent-seeking and corruption; organized crime is woven tightly through the public and private sectors. Consequentially, the current situation in Bosnia is rife with contradicting relationships: the shadow economy complicates peacebuilding and international efforts, though international intervention has fuelled organized crime; moreover, while the clandestine economy frustrates reconstruction, citizens depend on it for survivalthe formal economy cannot support them. [41] The international community imposed an arms embargo on Bosnia in September 1991. The Bosnian-Serbs were better positioned geographically and financially to circumvent the embargo, and armed themselves through relatively accessible smuggling channels. [42] The Bosnian faction relied on international actors and, despite the United States’ tacit refusal to enforce the embargo and Iran’s assistance, was unable to obtain much more than small arms. At the start of the war, the Bosnian-Serbs possessed far superior artillery and firepower, outgunning the Bosnians nine to one. [43] Partially because of the military imbalance, the Bosnian-Serb forces were able to stage the longest siege in modern history on Sarajevo. Supplemented by the UN’s massive humanitarian relief aid effort, the Bosnians survived the siege through its reliance on diverse and ubiquitous smuggling networks—which the international community supported, often directly. [44] People most connected to the underground economy allowed the war economy, and thus the people, to survive. Throughout each side of the conflict, the newly enriched criminal elite formed ties with political leaders that persisted after the conflict. The international community has largely ignored a key correlation, and has thus failed to create a gainful, legitimate political economy: ‘The more criminalised the conflict, the more criminalised the state, economy, and society that emerge†¦criminal capital accumulated during a criminalized war has been converted to political [and economic] capital after the war.’ [45] `International finance institutions, particularly the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, mandated widespread privatisation. Bosnia, especially immediately after the Dayton Accords, lacked coherent regulatory institutions to manage market liberalisation and fair economic competition (Paris 2004). The international actors approached liberalisation before institutionalisation. Despite international oversight, this led war-time criminal elite to co-opt privatisation and deregulation. Corruption and botched privatisation efforts are in part responsible for today’s 44.5 percent unemployment rate (60 percent for 15-to-24-year-olds) and a $545/ month average wage. [46] Ostensibly, this partly caused protests in February 2014 across 30 cities throughout BiH and calls for the government’s wholesale resignation. [47] Bosnia’s post-Dayton political system facilitates this corruption through its radical decentralisation and weak regulation, failing to dismantle t he criminalized war-time economy. Bosnia’s future and the international intervention The international community’s direct intervention, in seeking to end the conflict swiftly, entrenched the confrontation in a top-down, zero-sum political system that lacks local legitimacy. If politicians adhere to international mandates, they risk alienating citizens. Local ownership, in its current form, would therefore limit external assistance. One possible remedy is to convert Bosnia to a welfare state. The international finance agencies have so far focused on establishing an environment conducive to private business. Privatisation, however, has returned few positive results. Massive, state-driven job creation could give citizens a stake in the government and spur economic development that private sector oligarchs are unwilling to approach. However, the state lacks the coherence and self-regulation to work across ethnic groups; it would require reform before taking such action, and if history is any indicator, opposing parties are likely to block any changes. Nonetheless, the international community’s neoliberal, one-size-fits-all approach may not be suitable to Bosnian economic development. Bosnia faces a number of structural challenges that limit development. While it has managed to transform the competition for power through political channels, it maintains an insecure atmosphere in which Bosnians cannot hold their state accountable. In order to become more centralisedand therefore more efficientthe RS would necessarily relinquish power to the Bosniak majority. This is zero-sum dynamic that the Bosnian-Serbs find threatening. Reflecting on past tensions, they fear tyranny of the majority. Proponents of NATO and EU membership aver that membership would relieve the Bosnian factions of the fear that prevents constitutional reform. While EU membership would require the reform that it would ultimately allow, NATO membership requires less and is a relatively achievable future. [48] Nonetheless, NATO’s security guarantee does not necessarily extend to intrastate conflict. It is highly likely that NATO would intervene much swifter in a resurgent conflict in order to pr event a Srebrenica massacre redux, but that is already the case. Membership would provide measures to prevent the RS from seceding, but only to an extent; after all, this did not stop Scotland’s 2014 attempt at secession. International peacebuilding has so far provided Bosnians with security from armed conflict, though it has maintained an otherwise politically and economically insecure state. The ethnically divided country requires reform—that much is evident. While the international community is partially responsible for state’s dysfunctional structure, this does mean it should disengage from the country. On the contrary, the dysfunction has created a situation in which Bosnia is entirely dependent on international actors—disengagement could prove cataclysmic. Rather, the international community must change its strategy. Until it does, the international community must maintain a dysfunctional state, otherwise doomed to languish under ineffective domesti c leadership and international stewardship. [1] See Appendix A for a list of international actors [2] Hendrickson, Ryan. 2005. ‘History Crossing the Rubicon’. NATO Review. NATO. http://www.nato.int/docu/review/2005/issue3/english/history.html#top. [3] ‘Peace Support Operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina’. 2014. NATO. NATO. November 11. http://www.nato.int/cps/fr/natohq/topics_52122.htm?selectedLocale=en. [4] Bliesemann de Guevara, Berit States of Conflict: A case Study on Peace-Building in Bosnia-Herzegovina [5] Hawley, Leanard. 2007. Keynote Presentation: Policy and Strategies for International Intervention. The Cornwallis Group XII: Analysis for Multi-Agency Support. [6] Hawley, Keynote Presentation [7] Toal, Gerard, and Carl Dahlman. 2011. Bosnia Remade: Ethnic Cleansing and Its Reversal. Oxford University Press. [8] Roland, Paris. 2010. Saving liberal peacebuilding. Review of International Studies, 36, pp337-365. [9] Belloni, Robert. 2001. ‘Civil Society and Peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina’. Journal of Peace Research 38(2). [10] Silber, Laura. 2005. ‘Dayton, 10 Years After’. The New York Times, November 5. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/21/opinion/21Silber.html?pagewanted=print_r=0. [11]Silber, Laura, and Allan Little. 1998. Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation. United States: TV Books Inc. [12] Bliesemann de Guevara, Berit. 2009. Institute for Public Policy Research. [13] idib [14] idib [15] Staff. 2014. ‘Divided Nationalists Win Bosnia Elections’. Al Jazeera, October 13. http://www.aljazeera.com/news/europe/2014/10/divided-nationalists-win-bosnia-elections-2014101314183747199.html. [16] Bennett, Christopher. 2010. Bosnia’s Paralysed Peace. United Kingdom: C Hurst Co Publishers Ltd. http://www.nytimes.com/2005/11/21/opinion/21Silber.html?pagewanted=2_r=2sq=dayton peace accordsst=nytscp=4 [17] Chandler, David. 2007. ‘The High Representative for Bosnia Still Runs It like a Feudal Fiefdom’. The Guardian, November 20. http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2007/nov/20/russia.eu. [18] Salem, Harriet. 2014. ‘Bosnia Burning’. Foreign Policy, November 2. http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2014/02/11/bosnia_burning. [19] source [20] Define [21] Belloni osce 1998b:3 [22] Belloni, Ernest Hellner 1994:5 [23] Belloni [24] Belloni, Curran 1998:4 [25] Cite quote [26] Transparency international [27] Belloni [28] source [29] Collier, Paul and Anke Hoeffler. (2004) „Greed and Grievance in Civil Warà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã… ¸, Oxford Economic Papers. [30] http://web.worldbank.org/archive/website01306/web/pdf/wdr background paper_walter_0.pdf [31] Secretary of defence [32] source [33] See for list of covered offenses: UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Amnesty Laws in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 19 March 1998, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b33214.html [accessed 30 November 2014] [34] The Clandestine Political economy of war and peace in Bosnia [35] Judge Richard Holdstone, chief prosecutor of International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, has argued the same: http://www.ecfr.eu/ijp/case/israel_palestine#fn1 [36] Source [37] http://www.icty.org/sections/TheCases/KeyFiguresoftheCases [38] UN poll [39] Twenty Years of International Criminal Law: From the ICTY to the ICC and Beyond Theodor Meron and Fatou Bensouda Proceedings of the Annual Meeting (American Society of International Law), Vol. 107, (April 2013), pp. 407-420 [40] World Bank [41] [42] Cigar 1995 [43] Source [44] Source [45] Source [46] [47] Source [48] Sou

Baseball’s Freedom Fighter :: Essays Papers

Baseball’s Freedom Fighter The 1960’s were a decade of upheaval. Outcry spilled out into the streets as angry demonstrators protested against the Vietnam War; Civil Rights marches occupied a segregated South; and the Black Power movement swept through the Negro community with persuasive authority. In the midst of all of this social change stood one man, St. Louis Cardinal’s centerfielder Curt Flood. Fueled by the turmoil of his times, Flood started his own social movement, a one-man struggle for freedom on the baseball diamond. Flood an accomplished baseball player had endured twelve years in the Major Leagues, a victim of unwarranted discrimination in a still racist nation. In 1969, Flood became a pioneer, making an historic decision that ended his baseball career at the age of 31. Against the advice of the Major League Baseball’s Players Union, Flood refused to accept his trade to the Philadelphia Phillies after the end of the 1969 season. When Baseball Commissioner Bowie Kuhn r efused to let him out of baseball’s reserve clause, which allowed for a player to be traded without his consent and made it impossible for a player to choose to play for another team, Flood took his case all the way to the Supreme Court (Ashe 61). When the case finally made its way through the courts system, Flood’s playing career was lost but a whole new era of baseball had begun. Flood stands as the pivotal figure that changed the balance of power in the game. The story of Curt Flood is one of tragic sacrifice and poignant courage. It is the story of a ball player giving up the game he loved for nothing more than a principle. Flood’s famous â€Å"I am a Man,† statement illustrated his belief that baseball was treating him unfairly (Burns, The Eighth Inning). Flood also penned these thoughts in a letter he sent to Kuhn on Christmas Eve of 1969, writing, â€Å"I do not feel that I am a piece of property to be bought and sold irrespective of my wishes† (Burns, The Eighth Inning). Craving the freedom to choose what team he played for, Flood would not accept the notion that he had no control over his own destiny as a baseball player. Flood however, stood alone in his fight. At his court hearing no active baseball player would testify on his behalf. Baseball’s Freedom Fighter :: Essays Papers Baseball’s Freedom Fighter The 1960’s were a decade of upheaval. Outcry spilled out into the streets as angry demonstrators protested against the Vietnam War; Civil Rights marches occupied a segregated South; and the Black Power movement swept through the Negro community with persuasive authority. In the midst of all of this social change stood one man, St. Louis Cardinal’s centerfielder Curt Flood. Fueled by the turmoil of his times, Flood started his own social movement, a one-man struggle for freedom on the baseball diamond. Flood an accomplished baseball player had endured twelve years in the Major Leagues, a victim of unwarranted discrimination in a still racist nation. In 1969, Flood became a pioneer, making an historic decision that ended his baseball career at the age of 31. Against the advice of the Major League Baseball’s Players Union, Flood refused to accept his trade to the Philadelphia Phillies after the end of the 1969 season. When Baseball Commissioner Bowie Kuhn r efused to let him out of baseball’s reserve clause, which allowed for a player to be traded without his consent and made it impossible for a player to choose to play for another team, Flood took his case all the way to the Supreme Court (Ashe 61). When the case finally made its way through the courts system, Flood’s playing career was lost but a whole new era of baseball had begun. Flood stands as the pivotal figure that changed the balance of power in the game. The story of Curt Flood is one of tragic sacrifice and poignant courage. It is the story of a ball player giving up the game he loved for nothing more than a principle. Flood’s famous â€Å"I am a Man,† statement illustrated his belief that baseball was treating him unfairly (Burns, The Eighth Inning). Flood also penned these thoughts in a letter he sent to Kuhn on Christmas Eve of 1969, writing, â€Å"I do not feel that I am a piece of property to be bought and sold irrespective of my wishes† (Burns, The Eighth Inning). Craving the freedom to choose what team he played for, Flood would not accept the notion that he had no control over his own destiny as a baseball player. Flood however, stood alone in his fight. At his court hearing no active baseball player would testify on his behalf.

America Is A Nation of Immigrants Essay -- Ethics of Immigration, Cate

For over 300 years, various ethnic, cultural, and social groups have come to this country to seek economic opportunity, reunite with family members, and find a place where they can be free from political and religious persecution. I suspect a majority of American-born citizens believe that immigration is a bad thing in this country that is harmful. Those particular Americans believe that this country is being infested by foreigners who cannot even speak our own language. However, if one were to look at the truth behind these fallacies, he/she would see that immigration is beneficial to our country and should not be abandoned. Instead, it should be increased. Approximately 800,000 immigrants enter the United States each year. Of this number, 480,000 of them are family sponsored, meaning that they are immediate relatives to American citizens, such as a spouse, child, or sibling. Employment-based immigrants total 140,000 each year. This means that they are, â€Å"skilled professionals with exceptional ability and other priority workers, immigrating to jobs for which the U.S. Department of Labor has certified that no qualified U.S. worker is available† (â€Å"Legal Immigration to the United States†). Contrary to popular belief, only 1% of the population constitutes illegal immigrants. People commonly view these immigrants as â€Å"dirty Mexicans† crossing the border, when in fact, six out of the ten illegal immigrants enter the United States legally with a student, tourist, or business visa. Many become illegal when they stay in the United States after their visas have expired (â€Å"America is Immigration†). Refusing immigrants into this country will not alleviate the problem of illegal immigration. If they are able to get in now, then... ...e and greater opportunities. If it had not been for immigration, none of us would be in the position we are today. WORKS CITED â€Å"America is Immigration.† American Immigration Lawyer’s Association. 2014. Web. 28 May 2015. . â€Å"Five Immigration Myths Explained.† American Immigration Lawyer’s Association. 2013. Web. 28 May 2015. . â€Å"Legal Immigration to the United States.† American Immigration Lawyer’s Association. Web. 28 May 2015. . Rachels, James. The Elements of Moral Philosophy. 4th ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1999. Sumption, M. "The Economic Value of Citizenship for Immigrants in the United States" 2012 Web. 4 June 2015. http://carnegie.org/fileadmin/Media/Publications/mpi_econ_value_citizenship_01.pdf Singer, Peter. Practical Ethics. 2nd ed. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. America Is A Nation of Immigrants Essay -- Ethics of Immigration, Cate For over 300 years, various ethnic, cultural, and social groups have come to this country to seek economic opportunity, reunite with family members, and find a place where they can be free from political and religious persecution. I suspect a majority of American-born citizens believe that immigration is a bad thing in this country that is harmful. Those particular Americans believe that this country is being infested by foreigners who cannot even speak our own language. However, if one were to look at the truth behind these fallacies, he/she would see that immigration is beneficial to our country and should not be abandoned. Instead, it should be increased. Approximately 800,000 immigrants enter the United States each year. Of this number, 480,000 of them are family sponsored, meaning that they are immediate relatives to American citizens, such as a spouse, child, or sibling. Employment-based immigrants total 140,000 each year. This means that they are, â€Å"skilled professionals with exceptional ability and other priority workers, immigrating to jobs for which the U.S. Department of Labor has certified that no qualified U.S. worker is available† (â€Å"Legal Immigration to the United States†). Contrary to popular belief, only 1% of the population constitutes illegal immigrants. People commonly view these immigrants as â€Å"dirty Mexicans† crossing the border, when in fact, six out of the ten illegal immigrants enter the United States legally with a student, tourist, or business visa. Many become illegal when they stay in the United States after their visas have expired (â€Å"America is Immigration†). Refusing immigrants into this country will not alleviate the problem of illegal immigration. If they are able to get in now, then... ...e and greater opportunities. If it had not been for immigration, none of us would be in the position we are today. WORKS CITED â€Å"America is Immigration.† American Immigration Lawyer’s Association. 2014. Web. 28 May 2015. . â€Å"Five Immigration Myths Explained.† American Immigration Lawyer’s Association. 2013. Web. 28 May 2015. . â€Å"Legal Immigration to the United States.† American Immigration Lawyer’s Association. Web. 28 May 2015. . Rachels, James. The Elements of Moral Philosophy. 4th ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill, 1999. Sumption, M. "The Economic Value of Citizenship for Immigrants in the United States" 2012 Web. 4 June 2015. http://carnegie.org/fileadmin/Media/Publications/mpi_econ_value_citizenship_01.pdf Singer, Peter. Practical Ethics. 2nd ed. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

Unit 4

Unit 4 Roza Niemiec Unit 4 Introduction of Duty of Care in Health , Social Care or Children`s and Young People`s Settings . 1. 1Define the term â€Å"duty of care â€Å" It means that as Health and Social worker we have to do everything to avoid danger and harm for our clients or service users , it is our legal duty to avoid any danger for them . Following polices and procedurs and write risk assessment to individual, taking actions to keep the individuals safe and report it any danger . Keep up to date with all training and updates . 1. Describe how the duty of care affects own work role The time when iam starting work iam responsible for take care of residents. I have to make sure if they are safe . I have to follow Health and Safety procedures but also I have to use my own mind and see if everything is ok . I have to be very observant and be open to critic because maybe iam not always right I have to know what someone is thinking as well . Sometimes is very hard when I asked to do so m any tasks in the same time but my duty is to make sure of safety .In my work place we got daily visitors. I try to make sure if they are ok because who ever is inside work place iam responsible for them . I cant share information with anyone, just with manager or senior . Regular training is really helping because maybe i can go into routine and forget thinks . 2. 1 Describe dilemmas that may arise between the duty of care and an individuals. I think there is many dilemmas because people want to make them choices as well , by stopping them to do something for them safety we are not helping them to be independent.Also rights to freedom , by thinking that person will get harm by doing something we just making that person unhappy and we blocking them to do what they like . For example elderly they still like to dance or cook or have any other hobby’s. Also I want to talk about confidentiality, sometimes we don’t know if we can share some information , maybe this will harm interest of individual . 2. 2 Explain where to get additional support and advice about how to resolve such dilemmas I think first person which I could got for advice would be Senior Care Assistant and Manager or tutor .But if I not get anything from them I would contact professional bodies like The Association of Health Care Professionals , Care Quality Commission , Unison , Skills for Care , Skills for Health and there are many more . We can find them numbers on internet . 3. 1 Describe how to respond to complains In letter I would acknowledge the complaint about what was happen , that I will take them concern seriously and that there will be actions make in investigation and apologise .The best would be give them time frame and plan of action. I would try to resolve the problem directly with person sending that complain . The best option would be to talk with that person or talk by phone . Explain to that person about them rights and to who sand complain if is problem not resolve d . I would try to understand that person pion of view and try to make this person understand my point of view . Also reassure that person that everything said is confidential .Responding to complain in good way can restore a trust and can prevent from future misunderstanding s. 3. 2 Identify the main points of agreed procedures for handling complains . Keeping all records of complain , investigation in what happen , give respond in agreed time with apologies or explanation , respond in right manner to complainer , tell him or his rights what happen if complain is not resolved , tell about role of local authorises , learned from mistakes and improve place of work Unit 4 D2-explain how establishing a safe environment can support the procedures necessary for accidents, illnesses and emergencies. When supervising indoor and outdoor activities it is important that equipment is of the highest safety standard. Space must be allowed for children to hop skip and run etc†¦ And no room should be over crowed whether it is with toys or people. This means as a practitioner you should think about the size of groups of children that are using one area as if there is to many there will be more accidents as their won’t be enough space.Also before allowing children to use equipment check all equipment to make sure it’s safe and remove any broken or faulty items. Safe environment is full of potential risks to a child’s health and safety and accidents to happen, however with care and planning activities it lessens the risk, allowing children to explore and develop their skills without unnecessary danger. Everybody who works with children is re sponsible for their safety. It’s important that the environment children are playing in is regularly checked before and during activities.If you have checked an area and equipment for safety before children start playing here and questioned whether the activity is suitable for the children. Risk assessments are a key in safety, you evaluate the risk of the activity and any possible hazards and then decide how high the risk is and if it is to high you either need to find ways to lessen the risk or not do the activity at all. B1- Consider possible ways to maintain the safety and privacy of children and to respect their wishes.There are many ways to maintain the safety and privacy of children, this involves policies and procedures such as safe guarding, making sure all staff are suitable to work with children and they are asked to have regular CRB checks and staff training so they can learn new skills, also there are procedures that have to be done such as a having a passcode wh en someone other than the child’s parent/carer is picking them up, security passes must be worn and all children must be signed in and out when they arrive and leave the setting.Confidentiality is also important any information about a child must be kept within the setting, and records must be sorted away safely, also as a practitioner you shouldn’t gossip about a child or their family whether you’re in the setting or outside the setting. The Childs privacy is also important this is done by having doors n the toilets, having separate changing area’s and having a quiet area for if a child’s unwell, also any accidents should be cleaned up quickly and not made a scene as the child might become upset by it. Also having a key worker allows children to be reassured and have one to one time with a member of staff their close to.

Critique on against gay marriage Essay

The modern world is experiencing transition in all aspects of life. This change is being experienced in marriage whereby some people are moving a way from the belief that marriage should only take place between people of same sex. They have gone to an extent of pushing for marriage between people of same-sex to be accorded the same treatment and recognition just like the case with the heterosexual marriage. Some people believe that marriage should be heterosexual while others believe that even homosexuals have a right to marry and live with their partners just like a husband and wife in opposite-sex marriage. This paper presents a critique in support of gay marriage. The society especially in the current state is crippling with many social problems emanating from heterosexual marriage. One of these problems is unwanted pregnancies which arise from irresponsible relationships. This is an incident which can only happen in a marriage between two people of opposite sex. Embracing same-sex marriage would offer a remedy to this problem because there is no chance of pregnancy in a marriage between gays and lesbians. This would also help in reducing the high cases of deaths and abortion which are being witnessed in the society today. Incase homosexuals decide to adopt a child, the possibility of neglect is very low as this would be a decision between two independent people. Same-sex marriage reduces the dominance by one partner which is associated with union between a man and a woman. For fear of victimization, most gays and lesbians are forced into heterosexual marriages against their will. However, they still continue to live their homosexual lives by secretly relating to other homosexuals while staying in the same-sex marriage. Therefore, accepting same-sex marriage will help reduce this unfaithfulness and promote marriage to one partner (Sullivan, A. , 2004). Since the society allows all kinds of people and groups to marry including murderers, thieves as well as marriage between people of different races. Condemning same-sex marriage is discrimination of the minority who are supposed to be protected by the constitution just like any other group. As opposed to what Bennet believes, it would not be the first time that the institution of marriage is experiencing change; Marriage between different races which are happening today never happened several years ago (Bennett, J. W. 1996). The strong position against homosexuality which is adopted by the church is an intrusion into private business. This is because marriage is a personal commitment between the two people involved in the relationship. This marriage therefore hurts no one who is not part of the relationship (Bennett, J. W. 1996). Every element of the society is transforming hence disregarding same-sex marriage is simply refusing to accept the natural changes in the institution of marriage. The acceptance of homosexuality as evident among school pupils is an indication that homosexuality is a thing of the current generation hence nature should be allowed to take its course. Bennet should not argue against adoption by gay and lesbian couples as this would be better that single parenting. The long-term repercussions of same-sex marriage talked about by those against gay marriage are baseless and coming out of fear of the unknown; accepting same-sex union would only serve to create more choices concerning marriage and people would be guided by individual choices. (Bennett, J. W. 1996). Conclusion From the accounts given above, same-sex marriage should be allowed and homosexuals do not deserve the harsh criticism and victimization that they are undergoing in the society. Legislation and rules governing marriage only needs to be adjusted to provide for same-sex union. Reference Bennett, J. W. (1996). Gay Marriage: Not a very good idea. The Washington Post. OP-ED; Pg. A19 Sullivan, A. (2004). Same-sex Marriage, Pro and Con: A Reader. New York: Vintage Books.

INDEPENDENT STUDY RESEARCH ON THE PURPOSE AND IMPORTANCE OF BUDGETTING Essay

INDEPENDENT STUDY RESEARCH ON THE PURPOSE AND IMPORTANCE OF BUDGETTING TO AN ORGANISATION - Essay Example Analysis and findings 6.0. Conclusions and limitations of the study 7.0. Bibliography 8.0. Appendices PROBLEM STATEMENT A lot of effort has been made in the theoretical area of budgeting and its concept but little has been done to show the applicability and the importance of the budgeting process to organisations. Many students in the field of finance, accounting, strategic management and other related fields have more theory and little practicability about the theories. However, this study was aimed at linking theory with practical applications of the theory of management accounting; this was done by looking at how organisations apply the various theoretical aspects of strategic managerial accounting. IMPORTANCE OF THE STUDY This study is important since it was carried out to reinforce the theory of budgeting and its application in real life situations. The study also gives advice on how businesses can go about budgeting and this will go a long way to provide information on the same to organisations. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY The study objectives were: To appreciate the managerial accounting theory. Appraise the importance of budgeting to the success of an organisation and discuss the available budgeting methods. Discuss the budgeting process. Analyse the assumptions of budgeting. To link managerial accounting theory with practical application. ... REVIEW Management accounting is specialization of accounting that provides for information to the managers to help them plan, make decisions, and control functions (Bragg 2009). It involves collection, analysis and interpretation of accounting information for managers of an organisation to help the managers to make plans, make decisions and to exercise control to ensure that the organisation goals are being achieved. Management accounting extends to cover strategic management, performance management and risk management which are key issues in management. The tools used in management accounting are costing techniques, budgets and control charts among other tools (Waygandt, Kimmel and Kieso 2009). Budgeting is a critical function in management accounting and it is a key to the success of an organisation. When the resources are scarce, an organisation must determine the optimal way to allocate resources among the organisational processes to achieve the set goals. A budget is thus a coor dinated plan of the operations and the resources available to an organisation represented monetarily for a specific period of time (Shim and Siegel 2008). A budget is a very important to an organisation since it provides a clear and measurable statement of expectations, improves communication and coordination in an organisation and provides a basis on which evaluation is done and control is exercised. Typically the objectives of budgeting can be stated as following: 1. Budgeting report provides information to help to determine the adequacy of current-year revenues pay for current-year services. 2. Budgeting report illustrates whether resources were obtained and used in accordance with the budget. 3. Budgeting report exhibits its adherence to other finance-related legal or contractual

An eassy on HRM in John Lewis (UK Department Store) - employee owned Essay

An eassy on HRM in John Lewis (UK Department Store) - employee owned company - Essay Example Ultimately, whereas the EOB model promotes sustainable operational and financial profitability, its application to other contexts is limited to small-scale businesses since its governance model may come under pressure as the firm expands. Introduction This paper is a study of the general business and HRM of John Lewis Partnership, an employee-owned company and evaluates the various mechanisms of HRM policy and application of JLP in the context of the 4 key functions of HR which include; resourcing the organization, human resource development (HRD), employment relations, in addition to, performance and subsequent remuneration. Additionally, it also considers both the vertical and horizontal integration of JLP’s human resource component with its operations, the benefits and challenges of employee-owned business model, as well as the extent to which it can be applied in other contexts. Overall JLP’s business and HR strategy The John Lewis Partnership’s overall busin ess strategy is partners’ approach; the JLP’s approach to business entails prioritizing its clients and partner’s happiness and welfare which is achieved by placing their interests at the core of its operations (Aston, 2013). In this respect, the wellness of partners is of key importance to the business strategy of the John Lewis Partnership since the partnership believes that it yields many positive gains for the business (The John Lewis Partnership, 2013), which dedicates itself to serving customers with flair and fairness. The John Lewis Partnership’s overall Human Resource strategy, on the other hand, is employee ownership, which top management at JLP believes has a massive positive influence on the wellbeing of partners; in this regard, the John Lewis Partnership takes investing in people and seeing them as the core of the business as a fundamental Human Resource strategy. Employee ownership is built on values such as strong communication, from the b ottom upwards, and thorough consultation, both of which lead to inclusiveness and engagement of the employees in the day-to-day decision-making process at John Lewis Partnership effectively; employee ownership has a multi-plier effect on business gains since employee participation motivates high performance. JLP’s HR policy and practice The human resource is the primary source of competitive advantage to any organization today; all firms can potentially boost both their operational and financial performance through well-structured high performance human resource practices, thus the need to attract, recruit, and retain the best talents. Strategic HR management practices such as recruitment and selection, training and development, as well as performance management are fundamental aspects of John Lewis Partnership’s Human Resource policy and practice. The JLP recruits its human resources through selection and engages in effective talent management through training and dev elopment programs, as per the needs of the partnership. The task of resource recruitment goes beyond merely selecting the best people for the job; organizations must invest in human resources, which are not only valuable and